Showing posts with label white supremacy. Show all posts
Showing posts with label white supremacy. Show all posts

Saturday, February 3, 2018

The Problem of "Hate Crime" and Individualism


https://www.coe.int/documents/10463064/14588319/hate+speech/e89f89a2-bee0-4004-8cb4-1e2f026c0218?t=1450260737000
image above is from here
[An earlier version of this has been deleted.]

An argument in opposition to First Amendment absolutists is that hate speech is antithetical to free speech: the first exists to prevent or silence the second. I agree. Speech acts seeking the continued oppression or destruction of marginalized or subordinated peoples are oppressive and destructive.

My issue in this post is with the terms such as "Hate Speech" and "Hate Crime". Specifically, what the terms imply about how we understand and act to end oppression.

A crucial tool of White Male Supremacy--the straight kind especially--is the use of individualism to misname structural and systemic problems. One key aspect of individualism, as you may well know, is that oppression is reduced to how people feel about each other in the interpersonal realm. So, if only we loved one another; if only we treated each other as we'd have ourselves treated; if only there was no more hate... then we'd have world peace, or lack of conflict, justice. The problem is presented as "prejudice" or "lack of empathy": emotional or psychological dysfunction, problems of upbringing. We were raised with the wrong values. We had bigoted parents. Even if discussed in a more social way, we hear the problem is "bias" and "intolerance". How watered down and drowned is the language that far more accurately describes the maintenance of oppression as essentially political?

It's not that hate isn't present; it's that it is sometimes in service to class-based subordination--and not always. To whatever absurd level whites fear Black hatred aimed up, any speech used to communicate that 'hate' is not a systemic or institutional problem in the least. Political translation: there is no such thing as Black supremacy in the West. The same with an alleged preponderance of "man-hating" by women, particularly feminists.

The co-called good Christian whites who operated Boarding Schools thought they were being loving, as do many white colonialist Christian proselytisers--however ineffectively. Historically, so-called better treatment or a belief in moral motive is one tool of white male supremacy. One way white male supremacy thrives is by giving an appearance of treating people better on the individual front. The perversely over-quoted passage by King about children holding hands. In such a linguistic and social world, we assume a problem is over--or getting better--if oppressors are treating the oppressed in less overtly subordinating ways. In fact, looking at the systemic problem of het husbands and boyfriends battering women, when he moves into a stage of being remorseful and sorrowful, that is the precursor to another period of physical and emotional violence.

Calling someone a threatening and racist name ought not be framed only or primarily as a hate crime. It is an act of white supremacist subordination and destruction, rarely prosecuted as criminal. Rape is also normal, not 'mean-spirited' in the sense that many men would argue they have great affection for the women they rape. Missed is the comprehension, let alone the alleviation, of the structural-political nature of rape. And in fact, their committed rape(s), self-perceived and self-named as "love-making" are not, strictly speaking, acts of 'hate' as much as they are acts of subordination. This is to say, men lovingly rape. That's only a contradiction in terms if we make emotional states a prerequisite to or component of oppressive acts.

Even terms like 'crime' are misleading. The State uses the term 'crime' as an excuse to arrest and kill oppressed people disproportionately. What the status quo has never adequately understood or appreciated is how 'criminal' the criminal justice system is. That is to say, the system is grievously attached to political and economic hierarchies and won't function otherwise. 'Crime' is a political term in service to the status quo. Routinely, what is considered 'criminal' is effectively 'by definition' in practice, 'regular everyday acts by Black people' that wouldn't be 'criminal' if whites did them. Rape and men's sexual violence against women is not even considered a hate crime!

Stopping sexual harassment and other forms of work site threat and violence is an endemic problem requiring a structural solution. Ending capitalism is part of that. Some call it a need for 'culture change' and I'd agree it is that too, but it is also and far more importantly a permanent political rearrangement. The solution is not only an end to the interpersonal abuse.

Even terms like 'misogyny' and 'homophobia' make it sound like hate, fear, and bigotry are the problem. The corporate media will now occasionally use the term 'misogyny' but avoid the term 'male supremacy.' That says it all. If 'white supremacy' replaces 'racism' as the term used by such media, we may be that much closer to eradicating it. Not that such media has any interest in moving that effort along.

The heinous problems before us are not individualistic, or necessarily hateful or criminal. I support using language that reflects the systemic, historic, structural nature of oppression as the foundation of law-making and efforts to radically change society.

From here: https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/mbpm9y/black-lives-matter-cofounder-patrisse-khan-cullors-is-only-getting-started
One of the most striking things I read in the book was how your pre-teenage brothers didn’t complain that it was unfair police had harassed and abused them for doing absolutely nothing. You write, “By the time they hit puberty, neither will my brothers have expected that things could be another way.” They internalized the devaluation of their lives at such a young age. Can you talk a bit about other ways in which young black children receive this message?

For many marginalized communities, we are told from birth that our lives are valueless. We are told that we don’t deserve things. That poverty is our fault. That our parents’ addictions and prison and inability to feed us is our fault. So if you internalize that, if you internalize the ways in which the world has literally shoved you out, then of course as you get older, you’re not going to believe in yourself. And that translates into not being able to do the things that are the most important and most healthy. We have to talk about changing systems first. We live in a culture that wants to talk about individual first, that tells people they need to take personal responsibility for their hardships. Let’s not do that. Let’s change the system that creates the hardships. That’s the work of Black Lives Matter, that’s the work of #MeToo, #TimesUp, the Women’s March, so many other important organizations that have come together in the past few years. [emphasis mine] -- Co-founder of BLM, Patrisse Khan-Cullors, in an interview about her brand new book, When They Call You a Terrorist


Wednesday, July 23, 2014

12 Years A Slave: Review

Lupita Nyong'o and Chiwetel Ejiofor, featured in 12 Years a Slave
Before getting to the review, I wanted to let you know about a blog I just discovered. The publisher and editor is Kimberly N. Foster. Here's the link: http://www.forharriet.com/

And speaking of Harriet Tubman and the call to end slavery, I also wanted to offer a review of the film and winner of the latest Academy Award for Best Picture, 12 Years a Slave.

This is the cinematic telling of one U.S. man's true story. Solomon Northup was a real person who was born a free man in the north in 1808. He authored the book, 12 Years a Slave, about his capture in 1841 and release in 1853 from a white Southern hell.

What I appreciated was how the opening scenes might allow a white male viewer to see a Black man in 19th century U.S. as a free man, and how his horror at becoming a slave is not told through his abduction from West Africa, which might allow white people in the U.S. to distance ourselves from his plight. Northup, played superbly by Chiwetel Ejiofor, is "us" more than Kunta Kinte is "us". And for the purposes of a film most appropriately aimed at a white audience, this is crucial. Usually this is done by having the protagonist be white, reinforcing the deadly "Great White Man" myth, in such as in films like 1997's Amistad, 2006's Amazing Grace, and 2012's Lincoln.

I'm not saying the film is made (only) for a white U.S. audience: I'm saying that white people need to see and understand what this film is saying about us. And I'm not saying there isn't a collection of Great or Good White Men in this film. Brad Pitt's character, Bass, is one.

To me, the film brilliantly layers insult over injury, over and over. Each scene is another stark example of how whites conspire, on the institutional level and the interpersonal one, to control the bodies and destroy the dignity of Black people, here in the mid-19th century U.S. south. Each scene details the efforts of those enslaved to survive and not allow their humanity to be completely obliterated under the harsh and horrible lash of antebellum slavery.

The movie is brutal, graphically brutal, horrifyingly brutal, and unflinchingly honest in its depiction and portrayal of white men's sadism and savagery against Black people. In particular, it also depicts the complex relationship between white women and Black women, each group owned by white men. This is shown in the character of Mistress Shaw, played by Alfre Woodard.

But far more graphically, it is rendered through the tortured and tenacious humanity of Patsey, astoundingly acted by Lupita Nyong'o, who won the Academy Award for Best Actress.

A brilliant discussion of the legacy of colonial racist misogyny woven into the relationships of U.S. Black and white women may be read here in a brilliant piece by Michaela Angela Davis titled "12 Years A Slave: Rage, Privilege, Black Women and White Women". Here's the link, followed by an excerpt:

http://jezebel.com/12-years-a-slave-rage-privilege-black-women-and-whit-1452173238
The women in the beautifully brutal film 12 Years A Slave were mangled and maliciously intertwined. The enslaved women lived like beasts and the “free” women behaved like savages, trapped together in a filthy cage of rape, rage and bitter resentment. A resentment so magnificent, it could freshly fester in the psyche of their daughters for centuries to come.

The twisted relationship dynamics between the two lead female characters Patsey (Lupita Nyong’o) and Mistress Epps (Sarah Paulson) in 12 Years A Slave are a horror.
The juxtaposition of such naked racist-misogynist sadism with feeble gestures at Southern white gentility is striking to me, reminding me of how fused the two are, and how dependent they are on one another. The white man who is only brutal is uncouth and risks revealing the putrid soul of whiteness to everyone who want to believe it is natural or God-given. The white man who is only genteel is not doing his job. His job is to rule over, exploit, and dehumanise Black people: to treat Black men as worse than non-human plantation chattel; to treat Black women as chattel and also as a rape object: chattel slave and sexual slave both.

We see how white men, more stupid and less stupid ones, are seduced by an unjust and inhumane ability to rule others. We see the gross arrogance, the supremacist self-delusion that he might be better because he is free, even while he is doomed to moral inferiority due to how he treats other human beings.

As you watch the film, or rewatch it, note how each scene carefully reveals another bloody-sharp facet of what U.S. slavery did to people: the rulers and the ruled, the owners and the owned.

I am led to see more deeply how this is still the case, with more slavery than ever, and at least as much denial that it ought to be abolished once and for all.




Wednesday, August 14, 2013

What Should Hugo Schwyzer Do, Moving Forward? Why More Listening, More Honesty, More Time, and More Abuse Clearly isn't the Answer

image featuring Hugo Schwyzer is from here
[Note: this has been revised over the last few days through Aug. 16th, since it was first posted here. And further revised on Aug. 28th and 29th, 2013.]

This post is a follow-up to one I wrote yesterday. Since then I've seen how much more there is to read about and by Hugo Schwyzer. So let me cut to the chase and answer the question posed by him, which I use in the title of this post.

What Hugo should do moving forward is stop being a presence online. Stop giving interviews. Stop writing for publication on his own blog or anywhere else. Stop teaching. Stop calling himself 'feminist' or an ally to women. He needs to see how much white male power and entitlement he has and how horribly he misuses and abuses it. He needs to start taking responsibility for his actions by not perpetrating them any more. 

Hugo Schwyzer is, to my view, an on-going, compulsive, and self-involved abuser. Why a college or any academic institution would want him to be around young female students is for him and them to answer, possibly in court.

What follows is political analysis of his abusive and anti-feminist behavior, noting the ways his 'feminist' writing and sexually abusive behavior against women reinforce one another. For more on his attempts to make amends for the racist and misogynist harm he's committed, you can read this.

In an on-going exercise in self-centered self-promotion, Hugo has done an interview that was published two days ago here at The Daily Beast, of all places. He likes to talk about himself, and feels--and is--endlessly entitled to do so as (according to the banner on his blog) an "author, speaker, professor, shattering gender myths." He routinely reinforces gender myths as well.

One way he does this is discussed in some depth below.* Another is by feeling so bad for what he's done and still does, while knowing he is going to continue to do it anyway. Hugo reads and writes a great a deal about his life. He discloses his history of abuse and then proceeds to not be sufficiently attentive to the responses. Several times--in what little of his I've read--he states that he can't possibly read all the critique there is and respond to it appropriately, on his own blog in the comments sections. From a blog post (which appears below in full with my annotation):
I have not been able to keep up with the sheer volume of emails, much less follow all of the blog commentary about me, my role in feminism, my personal history, and my work. But I’ve followed enough to have a good sense of what at least the main criticisms are.
Admittedly, he gets LOTS of comments. One post had over 250 and that may well be typical for him. This shows a social eagerness to place the allegedly profeminist views and expressed values of a white heterosexual man front and center. But I would argue he has a profeminist response-ability to very carefully understand the particulars as well as the general critique: if he isn't going to do it on his own blog, where might we expect him to take the time to do so?

The answer appears to be in interviews and other writings, which are, to my eyes, geared toward self-promotion more than accountability. There, he practices a kind of savvy ownership of privileges and entitlements while retaining all his rights and capabilities to act them out abusively. To correct something from yesterday's post, I had indicated that he may not demonstrate awareness of his own privileges. Here is one example where he does:
I’ve been “detained” and cuffed at least five times in my life, all before I was 31.  But I was never actually arrested, much less charged with a crime.  I doubt it has much to do with a run of good luck, either.  The deference and the genuine kindness I’ve been repeatedly shown have more to do with the color of my skin and my class than anything else. [Source: here]
I'll modify my critique in this way: I've seen a few white men be aware of their various privileges and entitlements, talking about them in apparently responsible ways, but at the same time demonstrate a kind of persistent self-referencing and self-involvement that indicates a sociopathic proclivity for taking advantage of them without much regard for others. I think many men learn how to talk about the damaging stuff they've done in a way that makes them appear responsible and accountable, or at least sorrowful and remorseful. But in daily private or public practice, they are not. The function of this way of speaking is to manipulate one's audience to think one actually cares about other people. His sexual betrayal of several spouses and sexual abuse of several young women, all the while supported by various institutions and social networks, serves as evidence that his tactics work all too well.

In reading some of his work, I am struck with how often he states that he has friends who are feminist to whom he holds himself accountable. He apparently doesn't hold himself sufficiently accountable or he'd take the necessary steps to not abuse anyone again. And as he's struggled with feelings of suicide, let me be clear: I don't mean by killing himself. I mean by physically and emotionally removing himself from arenas, online and off, where he has compulsively acted out in the past and present. Any statements he makes about having people in his life to hold him accountable also misses the point that the job is his, not theirs.

Most men choose as friends the people who will only hold them accountable for things they wish to be held to account for; they ditch, ignore, or lash out against people who hold them accountable for things they have no intention of changing often claiming such critics are abusing them. Or, they lie to and deceive their friends, spouses, colleagues, as well as those they target for abuse: he has done all of that chronically for decades.

None of this is to say that any of his friends don't take him to task in ways that are not comfortable for him. I don't know who his friends are and certainly don't have that kind of intimate knowledge of how such things play out. I can only determine the degree to which he is deceptive by his published writings and interviews, and in those he, himself, often notes such dishonesty and half-truth telling followed by disturbing outbursts of confessional ranting:
What’s driving his current notoriety is his very public Twitter meltdown last Friday in which he sent out more than 100 tweets in an hour, admitting to building a career “on fraudulent pretenses,” to being an addict, and to teaching feminism with no specialization or degree in the field. This came on the heels of the revelation last month that the 46-year-old married professor wasn’t taking his own advice when he sexted with a 27-year-old sex worker activist. [Source: here]
I also am leery of men who speak of personal transformation as "conversion"--as arriving at a place one wasn't at before as if also leaving behind the person they were, as if one is thoroughly transformed with all traces of harmful action wiped clear. I've known men who say they've done this and witness how much of their allegedly old behavior is still in practice.

I also witness how male privilege, power, and entitlement isn't something that goes away with anti-sexist preachings; it is an on-going structural reality sometimes posing as a diagnosed psychiatric character disorder. The DSM-V doesn't identify men and whites has having "Patriarchal Predatory Personality" or "Colonialist Willful White Denial Disorder" because it is committed to a Western medical and individualistic understanding of human behavior and mental illness. One cannot prescribe drugs for privilege and structural power.

This isn't to say individual men can't do better: men can stop raping women; men can stop battering partners; men can stop procuring women; men can stop sexually harassing women; men can stop abusing and molesting children. It may require segregation from the general society, but it can be done.

In my experience, the white men who find feminism of interest who are also predators, are predatory not because of moral failings, as Hugo has argued, but because of this combination of conditions: structural location, positioned above and over people they oppress; unearned entitlements; white and male privileges; institutional protections; colonialist values, mindset, and worldview; unstigmatised abuses of power; the desire and will to perpetrate (whether owned consciously or not); and socially and personally organised access to one's victims. As child molesters seek out environments where children gather, so too do misogynist predators seek out social spaces where women gather.

I think anyone whose been around academia knows stories of the het man who take a Women's Studies course in order to obtain patriarchal sexual contact with women, using all means necessary. Kyle Payne is an example. (See here and here for more about him.) But this sort of predation happens outside the academy as well. One example that comes immediately to mind was a feminist-identified male who battered his female spouse during the time he promoted his own feminist activism. That is a local story, not one that got any national attention. White men protecting white male supremacist power is endemic in U.S. national anti-sexism organisations--or, rather, in the one that exists. There's also the case of Robert Brannon of NOMAS, which may become the subject of a future post. (For now, please see this at Shakesville.)

The nationally recognised anti-sexist men I tend to find more credible and trustworthy are people such as Byron Hurt. He doesn't pretend that his struggles to be more responsible and respectful with women are over but he demonstrates respect for women in his life and work. Hugo, on the other hand, uses his professed feminism, his "professional feminism", as a way to keep his abusive past from never remaining in the past. Needless to say, a conversion has not occurred.
CT: Your sexual history also makes you a controversial figure with some feminists. How do you respond to that? You consider yourself a feminist — how does your sexual history influence your feminism today?

HS: I learned early on in the amends process that some people would never believe my conversion was real. They would never trust that the leopard had changed his spots, as it were. You can’t prove a negative; I can only live the life I do now as best I can and live it openly. I’m a pretty open book.

My behavior with students from 1996-98 was unacceptable for a male feminist and, for that matter, an ethical person. The question is whether the penalty for that ought to be a lifetime ban from teaching gender studies, or writing about the subjects I write about. Some feminists feel yes, it should be. I disagree, but only because so many wonderful feminist mentors of mine have encouraged me to stay in this work.

Biggest takeaway: I need to be accountable. If someone on campus or elsewhere sees me do something that doesn’t seem kosher, as it were, he or she can come speak to me. I have an “accountability team” of men and women whom I count as my friends (many are feminist academics). I’m willing to listen to hard criticism from them, without insisting that they parent me. If you’re gonna be a male feminist you need those accountability partners in your life. [Source: here]
Here we see this proclivity to state harm in terms of "something not quite right", as "something that doesn't seem kosher". Note the lack of ownership of whether or not the behavior is oppressively harmful or not. I am struck by a couple of things above. He puts the responsibility for maintaining an ethical presence as a professor on campus on self-selected feminists in his life. He ignores, discounts, or condemns the wisdom of the rest. He refuses to locate his abusive political actions (when and where he acknowledges them) on his own entitlement, desire, and the institutional protections that must all be actively in place for him to continue that work. He also puts the obligation for identifying and stopping such behavior on people who see him commit it. (This conveniently means if no one directly involved sees it, for all intents and purposes, it hasn't occurred; this is particularly so if his victims are silenced by circumstance and shame, or by fear, intimidation, and threat--from him, from their social circles, or from the institution they are collectively part of.)

He minimises several power differentials as he has also done when engaging in violating sex with young female students. In a college context, "he or she can come speak to me" ignores the whole issue of whether students or staff wish to risk their own reputations by calling out a tenured faculty member. The belief that significantly younger students will necessarily call out or report a forty-something tenured white male professor is wildly out of touch with reality. It pretends the power differential he has occasionally acknowledged exists, somehow ceases to exist at that point. I'd argue that point is one of many in which such a power imbalance is very likely to show up in his favor.

His selective political consciousness shows up in these and other ways. He states things that appear to show awareness, while at the same time demonstrating a practice of putting himself in a frame that makes his actions appear less harmful than they likely or obviously were. Here is an example, on consent:
CT: You have a somewhat controversial sexual history. You’ve openly acknowledged doing things as intense as chaperoning a class trip on which you slept with four of the students. How does this influence your thinking about sexuality today?

HS: Hah, I love the ambiguity of the word “intense.” In terms of my sexual history with my students (which for the sake of clarification ended abruptly when I got sober in ’98), the key word is simply “unethical.” Though my promiscuity was hardly confined to my own students, that behavior stands out as deeply and profoundly wrong. Even if it was consensual, and involved students who for the most part were my approximate chronological peers, it was still a boundary violation. In the broader sense, that aspect of my past has made me keenly sensitive to power imbalances in sexual relationships. It’s made me mistrustful of the possibility of consent in those instances where one person has so much more experience and authority than the other. [Source: here]
He speaks of his behavior in ethical terms--as wrong--not in terms of the actual harm done. Even more key words would be "abusive" and "predatory". This leads me to wonder if he comprehends the depth of the actual harm done. He states at the same time that the sex he had with young students was consensual--well, actually he is evasive on that point: "even if it was consensual" is language that avoids any commitment to that claim of political mutuality. He's right not to claim the presence of consent; he then states it was a boundary violation in the context of a power imbalance in sexual relationships. In many feminist and profeminist circles, a sexual relationship built on power imbalances that involves a violation of boundaries is called "rape" or "sexual abuse". We can note he doesn't call it either. Yet if he's mistrustful of consent being present or meaningful, why shouldn't everyone else be as well, including academic administrators? The technical details of college conduct codes aside, why shouldn't he be considered a serial rapist or serial abuser--one who has not stopped engaging in compulsive, desired, wanted, willed sexually predatory behavior?

His language isn't the language of owning one's harmfulness; it's typical over-intellectualising and harm-minimizing language designed to avoid accountability. Meanwhile, he describes having an accountability team. This terminology positions himself as the team captain. Who does someone male in such a position choose as one's teammates? Those he wants around him or those who most want him held to account? I'd argue that the latter group isn't likely to comprise the majority of teammates for most men.

He states a willingness to listen. This is grossly insufficient. He'd need to demonstrate that the behaviors are not on-going. Some people who commit harmful acts are good at listening. They may be very good at saying the right things. Those two qualities are often what allows others to believe they've stopped being politically and interpersonally destructive.

Taken together, these ways of viewing himself and naming his actions don't speak to me as coming from someone intent on changing his behavior. I think people believe that's the case because he owns so much more than most men. That's a dangerously low standard as men are notorious liars and deniers when it comes to assessing the political meaning of what they do sexually and socially. We also have evidence, past and present, from him and others that his abuses are ongoing.

What follows is his post, from his blog, on what he foresees happening as a result of so many ethical violations and commitments of harm to women. My responses are in brackets and are highlighted yellow.


Moving Forward: An Update


I am still very much in the process of listening to many voices about how to respond to the multi-faceted controversy about my past. [Political harm isn't primarily a "controversy"; such a way of speaking about the harm one has done is minimising of its effect, instead focusing on the social effect of the news hitting the media, for example. In reality, white men's political harm is normal and frequent. Privileged people want our behavior to always be in process and to always be seen as very multi-faceted; there are always more and more self-protecting and self-deluding ways that rapists, batterers, and other sexual predators and terrorists want to be seen by critics. How they view themselves is usually with far more compassion and nuance than they reserve for those they harm. Among more sociopathic perpetrators, their views of themselves tend to repeatedly highlight areas of their own victimisation (past and present) over that of their victims (past and present). Often when men procure women in systems of prostitution or access women in pornography, there is the belief that the women couldn't be abuse survivors at all and that their presence in such systems is only and always freely chosen.] Over the past few weeks, issues around my pre-sobriety past as well as my present writing have attracted intense attention and sparked considerable debate. ["Issues" is another term of distancing and understating. It is remarkably predictable that men who do systematic or chronic harm will raise as central the matter of substance abuse, as if substance abuse teaches men how to be predators and abusers. Alcohol inebriates; it doesn't educate. Nor do recreational or prescription drugs. Nor does mental illness. In the recent case of Bob Filner's gross sexual harassment of women, we can note the similarity in the privileging of either medical or psychotherapeutic understandings of causation over political ones, here.
"Filner, 70, elected in November as San Diego's first Democratic mayor in two decades, is hoping to ride out a tide of sexual misconduct accusations and demands by fellow politicians and others for him to resign.
Last month, Filner announced he would be in an intensive therapy program the weeks of Aug. 5 and 12. But he reportedly entered the therapy program earlier than announced. He is set to return to City Hall on Monday.
Filner will take "personal time" this week, said a statement from lawyer James Payne, whose Irvine firm, Payne & Fears, is assisting Filner's defense against a sexual harassment lawsuit filed by a former staff member.
He will continue therapy "on an outpatient basis," Payne said.] 
I have not been able to keep up with the sheer volume of emails, much less follow all of the blog commentary about me, my role in feminism, my personal history, and my work.  But I’ve followed enough to have a good sense of what at least the main criticisms are. [As stated early on in this post, I would argue he has a profeminist obligation to very carefully understand the particulars as well as the general critique. And understanding the problem is only a very preliminary part of the solution. Not putting himself in places and situations where he has academic and sexual access to women would be a more substantive, meaningful place to start.]
The Issues

There are three main issues: my past [I am struck at this moment with how often men refer to abusive behavior in extraordinarily benign terms such as "my past" --something everyone necessarily has. How different it would be if every time he said "my past" he instead wrote or said "my extensive history of harming women, which isn't only in my past but is perpetrated through to this day"], my writing, and my positioning in the feminist movement. In turn, those issues raise three main questions [arrived at by him without thoroughly reading the criticisms]:

1. Should my pre-sobriety history disqualify me from teaching the courses I teach, from speaking about the topics I speak about, and from writing where I write? [I'd say definitively and unambiguously: Yes, yes, and yes. Hugo, if you're reading this, what part of that answer don't you understand? Reader, you will note he will not easily resign his position. You will also note he will continue to speak and write about the subjects that most interest him while he is predatory.] Do I need to make further amends or participate more extensively in restorative justice? [I'm reluctant to value men seeking to make amends while not owning the ways in which their politically harmful behavior is on-going. If a perpetrator doesn't know how to stop it, making amends may amount only to engaging the contrition phase of the cycle of abuse.] My take has always been that the work I do is part and parcel of that amends. [I'd argue the work he does is part of what allows him to do harm. The on-going confessions only make him appear to take personal responsibility and be remorseful. In actual courtrooms and in the court of public opinion, a combination of earnestly stated self-responsibility and remorse, not an end to the harmful behavior, is unfortunately what most liberal-minded people want to see in order to forgive and move on. With the same amount of access to potential victims and unmitigated power to act out one's entitlements and privileges in abusive ways, we can expect the behavior to continue, with or without amends and apologies.] But some detect self-aggrandisement rather than atonement.  [Some "detect" it? This is consistent with framing his own egocentrism as existing primarily in the minds of others, who, he implies, may or may not be seeing things the right way. Can he not tell when he's being self-aggrandising? Is it only for others to name it when it occurs? Once again he places responsibility for naming, monitoring, and regulating his behavior on others.] What’s the way forward? [He can start by doing what those feminists he disagrees with say he should do.]

2.  Are there problems with my writing today? [Why frame this as a question? This is part of never really fully owning his own politically problematic and oppressive behavior. He could take the responsibility off others by stating, clearly, "There are problems with my writing to this day."] I’ve got eight years worth of blog archives and thousands of posts on this site; I’ve also written extensively elsewhere.  I’ve written things I regret [no mention of his writing being male supremacist, white supremacist, and otherwise oppressive; he indicates ownership only of a self-concerned feeling about "things" he's written. Regret is another of the feelings perpetrators confess that people often are manipulated by. As noted above, society at large and personal acquaintances, family, and friends are often enough drawn into forgiving someone who has little intention of making substantive changes in behavior], and I’ve changed my position on some issues (like pornography, for example) in recent years. [What does changing one's mind on social issues have to do with doing what others are asking or demanding he do? Changing position happens, in his case, after lots and lots of people make similar points over and over again, likely exhausting and using up the time and energy of dozens or hundreds of people on his blog. After he uses people in this way, he may then acknowledge the truth in what they're saying. He consistently requires lots of attention focused on him. He could just read what anti-pornography feminists have written and accept it as valid enough to change his position. Does he support the Dworkin-MacKinnon ordinance becoming law? Will he work toward that happening? What else occurs more substantively, other than a change of opinion?] Yes, I am regularly quoted out of context. [Yes, and he is even more regularly not quoted out of context because he does so many interviews which helps set the context by the direction and content of his answers. Anyone who is internet savvy can find his statements in the context he presented them in, on his blog and on other websites where his work has been published. He also has far more access to mass media than most feminists who challenge him. Such a remark is in the self-absorbed category of "I'm the one being harmed here".] But even allowing for the universal but lamentable habit of “cherry-picking”, are there still elements of my work that are deeply problematic? [Yes, including identifying the relatively benign behavior of others as lamentable cherry-picking and not framing up his own actions as harmful, let alone lamentable. Such phrasing--identifying the allegedly sloppy ethical habits of others--positions himself as morally superior and as the social victim in the story.]

3.  Does my modest fame/notoriety block or create opportunities for others? [I'd ask a different question that doesn't use the term "modest" at all; it isn't modest relative to the fame feminists of color (don't usually) achieve. It is far more notorious because he's white and male. But notoriety doesn't speak to harm, only publicly discussed controversy. A question he evades is: does it block or create more opportunities for him? In an imaginary world, the critiquing by feminists of his oppressive and abusive behavior could result in opportunity for a woman or women to take his place in the academic institution where he is tenured. In reality, they'd have a harder time getting hired and achieving tenure, especially if they are of color. So much for creating opportunity for others.] Do the speaking gigs and interviews I get mean that I’m taking what wasn’t mine to take?  [It means, at least, that he continues to utilise and exercise his privileges and entitlements to center himself, not what he does, as the main issue. And the language emphasises a colonialist proclivity to see the world in terms of what he possesses and what is taken from him.] Should I  give up teaching women’s history [yes, and he's been told this far too many times by feminists who he hasn't made a part of his personal and private accountability team], working in positions of leadership in organizations that focus on women’s rights [most certainly yes] — not just because of my particular past, but because it’s fundamentally wrong for a man to hold these roles? [Both, but not because it is fundamentally wrong in a decontextualised way, but because it is astoundingly wrong in the ways he does it. So yes, he should not work in any positions of leadership in organizations that focus on women's rights because his behavior is anti-feminist and predatory. This really ought to be a no-brainer for him: I believe the reasons for this ought to be abundantly clear to him, given how many people have articulated why he must leave those positions. As we have seen, he cherry-picks which criticisms and calls to action he takes most to heart and mind, and the other calls never seem to influence his behavior.]

I don’t have final answers for myself to any of these questions. [Why not? Has the jury not been well-enough informed? Have they not come to a verdict? Does the legal team for the accused wish to call more witnesses? We can see how effectively (if not intentionally) manipulative and stubbornly controlling it is to pose the questions not only without answering them, but while stating, quite clearly, that his own internal process of decision-making necessarily won't arrive at any changes in behavior. How much more dangerous can a person admit to being?] I know many people who do have certainty about what I should do. I hear from them daily. Some want me to step down; some want me to step back up and stay where I am. [He conveniently counterpoints any call for him to resign with the mention that it's not unanimous, as if such a call to give up position and power as a white man ever could be unanimous in a white male supremacist society where everyone is well-trained to take care of them emotionally, socially, and otherwise. Why aren't the perspectives of those who want him to step down sufficient? Why does there have to be a balancing rebuttal? Because he doesn't want to step down, and likely won't unless he has an excuse that doesn't name why he must, politically, step down. That, in a nutshell, is a glaring example of colonialist white male privilege, entitlement, and power.] I’m on the receiving end of a lot of praise and vitriol. [Curiously positioning himself as both hero and victim.] I’m trying my best to process what I’m hearing, [I wish he'd listen and act in accordance with what others are saying, more than just hear; I also don't believe this is his best--few of us do our best at anything; refusing to have final answers to questions of his ethics and political practice surely isn't his best. If it is, that's an additional and compelling reason for him to step down and shut up] remembering the truth that one is never as bad as one’s detractors suggest, nor as good as one’s admirers insist. [Again, this moral positioning himself as moderate in all things, including the political (not only moral) matter of being a chronic abuser of women. In fact, he may have done and could be doing far more harm to women than any of his detractors know. Also, here and in so many other places, he fails to take into account why such admiration exists at all, when none exists for countless millions of women of color who do far more good--so much more good, exponentially more good--without doing any of the harm.]  But it’s difficult work, and it will take more time. [Always, more time. More time. More time. A lifetime perhaps. Men do many things within a time-frame and so does he: he writes up syllabi; he gets to class; he grades papers; he abuses women on any given day according to his schedule. He knows how to get things done. Except when it comes to arriving at a plan that necessarily abdicates some of his power and privilege.]
Moving Forward 

The fact that I haven’t reached clarity yet about what my future holds doesn’t mean I can’t share certain decisions I’ve made about myself, my work, and my public presence.

As I wrote yesterday, Healthy is the New Skinny/Perfectly Unperfected and I have parted ways.  My presence threatened to become a dangerous distraction to the good work that HNS and PUP are doing.  Resigning was the only viable course of action. [That's a start. He needs to apply the same viability to every other professional thing he does.]

I’ve also resigned from my role as faculty adviser to the Pasadena City College Feminist Club for much the same reason. [That's also a start.]

As for my writing and speaking, I will for now continue to do both. [This position is predictable. He still feels--and structurally, institutionally is--quite entitled to speak with authority about matters of gender and politics. This could not happen without the support of whites and men.] The editors at Jezebel, who are aware of this controversy, have asked me to continue to write for the site. [Does this mean he couldn't say no? It appears every invitation is accepted, creating more and more spaces for him to get undo while compulsively needed attention.] I am pleased to do so. [Why does it please him, given all the harm he's done to so many women and so many feminists in particular? I find that comment to be smug and self-satisfied.] I will continue to explore writing opportunities outside of explicitly feminist spaces, recognizing that my presence in those spaces is controversial, divisive, and unhelpful. [This modest adjustment and recognition--he's 'unhelpful' (like not sweeping a floor? like not picking up his underwear?) not harmful (as in chronically and systematically abusive to women)--is part of his M.O. Again the neutralising focus on his behavior as 'controversial'. His presence is likely far more than 'divisive'. It's likely to be triggering and presently threatening, putting even more women in danger.] I will continue to explore speaking opportunities as well, but will be adapting my lectures so that I am focusing primarily on issues around men and masculinity. [Does that include speaking about how it is that he has abused so many women with so much structural support from men? Why will he continue to explore those unwarranted opportunities? Doesn't this afford him more financial gain and political clout, as he speaks to the gender that has more money to pay him and more status to promote his work? This adjustment is self-serving.]

I teach a variety of gender-themed courses at Pasadena City College.  The one women’s studies’ course we have at PCC in the Social Sciences Division is History 25B, Women in American Society.  I’ve taught it every semester for nearly two decades.   The syllabus does include the history of feminism.  PCC plans its offering nine months in advance; I’m already booked to teach 25B this spring semester and in the coming autumn term.  [He could resign. He'd then be replaced.] But I will be talking with my colleagues on campus and elsewhere about asking for a change in assignment for spring 2013, the earliest term for which a shift can be made. [That's complete self-serving bullshit, quite frankly. If he wanted to, he could resign immediately. I mean, what if he was arrested and imprisoned for several years for the crimes he's occasionally admitted to committing? An interim faculty member would teach his classes and a search would be done to find someone to teach other classes that fulfill the same requirements; his claims are entirely dishonest and his conclusions are entirely false.] I haven’t made a final decision yet, but as of now, am leaning towards not returning to women’s history. [And of course the decision is his; the power to set the trajectory of his life is his: this is white male supremacy, all naked, pink, and self-determining.]

I will continue to teach my rotating courses in the Humanities department, including my “Men and Masculinity”course.  But those courses do not include feminist theory or feminist history on their syllabi. [Why don't they? How could they not? Do we actually believe men hold the best perspective on men? Doesn't his own behavior show us that men cannot be trusted to name their own or his abuses accurately? What is the usefulness of having a male sexual abuser teach courses on men and masculinity? What message does that give to the female and male students taking the class, and everyone else on campus?]

Continuing the Conversation

A conversation about some of these issues began in a moderated space last week.  The Feminism and Religion blog reprinted my “response post” from earlier this month, and invited comments.  A dialogue has begun there, and will continue. [See, if you wish to read that, here for part 1, and here for part 2. For an interview with him at the blog Feministe, see here.]

I will continue to listen. [And that's not nearly enough.] I’m receiving an average of 50-60 emails a day, equally split between detractors and supporters.  [I recommend he skip the ones from supporters. He has plenty of evidence before him to know he's being greatly supported. Various institutions and individuals are not holding him to account or determining any punishments for any abuses he has committed. In a social world such as his, predicated on protecting colonialist white male power, an equal split between detractors and supporters ought to register as an overwhelming vote of no confidence.] I’m trying to read at least some of the web commentary. [Some? Selectively? How do we know what he's choosing to read and what he's choosing to ignore?] The difficult part is separating what is legitimate criticism (and there is legitimate criticism) [This is the power of white men here: to name reality. This is a rare time when we see his acknowledgement that the perspectives of others might actually be correct. But as fast as that's done, he must then qualify and temper that awareness, as he typically does, with what follows] from unfair personal attacks. [Given that white men usually believe someone else naming their behavior as 'rape' or 'racist' is only a personal attack, one wonders how someone could name what he does without him considering it both unfair and a personal affront.] By the same token, I’m trying to separate what is thoughtful and wise encouragement from what is unhelpful, ego-aggrandizing flattery. [He needs to understand the difference in his own writings and speaking.] Given the tremendous volume and speed of all of this input, that’s difficult work and will take a considerable amount of time.  [In a white male supremacist society, more time is always needed. "A considerable amount" is always determined by the accused person not those he harms. White men holding themselves to appropriate levels of account ought not be rushed, according to U.S. society's political dictates. We wouldn't want to see any white man unduly diminish his colonial access, or curb his patriarchal power prematurely.] The end result, however, is likely to be my departure from explicitly feminist spaces. [I'll believe it when I see it. And why only from "explicitly" feminist spaces? What about the implicit ones? What about departing from the spaces known as Gender Studies classrooms, or the whole of Academia, or the blogosphere?]
*For another example of his reinforcement of gender myths--not that we need any more, there is this:
Women are shamed for their sexuality in a way that men aren’t. That has innumerable consequences. For example, we raise women to be objects of desire. This is where we get the famous Paris Paradox (which goes back long before Paris Hilton), where girls learn how to be sexy long before they discover their own sexuality. At the same time, we raise boys to believe their bodies aren’t as beautiful, as desirable, as appealing as those of girls. Boys get to be sexual, but too rarely get to trust that they’re wanted, lusted for, desired. [Source: here]
Implied in what he says, "sexy" is a set of political practices in a context of male supremacy where men define, require, profit from, and enforce it. "Learning how to be sexy" is what is demanded of female models in pornography who are, more often than not, pimped, battered, and raped, all before the age of consent. Their pimps, batterers, and rapists are not infrequently the directors of the pornography. It is these not improbably abused women who Hugo repeatedly seeks out for sex.

He implies that most or all women do, in fact, discover their own sexuality. I'd argue anyone's sexuality is shaped or influenced by patriarchy and its violence in an on-going way. Some of us achieve relative self-possession and self-definition. I don't think most people do. I don't think most people get to think about what that would even mean. Few in my own family have. To engage the discussion usually means one is living a privileged life in some regards, materially or academically. I have heard women earnestly make statements about how much their sexuality is their own; and their sexuality ought to be theirs to claim. But when men abuse women sexually, men will speak about their own sexuality as if it isn't theirs, as if they are commanded by drugs, alcohol, or mental illness to act out precisely the same way men who don't do drugs, don't drink, and aren't mentally ill act out patriarchal sexuality.

As a white gay male and an abuse survivor, I've found that efforts at "sexiness" and explorations of sexuality often and normally require sufficient dissociation from one's body and feelings to not know or appreciate the level of harm done to us. Sexiness typically is learning how to please one's oppressor, learning how to privilege the  production of sexual responses in him, not in oneself. This may be seen as a version of Stockholm Syndrome on the level of sexual expression and contact. Many feminists have written about the social, cultural, and political construction of "sex". For example, Patricia Hill Collins in Black Sexual Politics, and Catharine A. MacKinnon in Women's Lives, Men's Laws.

Hugo seems to equate "sexiness", "beauty", and the knowledge of being desired. Many feminists have also written about the racial and sexual politics of beauty. He does so while centering and privileging heterosexual men's experience. If women learned their bodies were beautiful, as Hugo states, how come no woman I know thinks her body is beautiful or attractive enough? If "we raise boys to believe their bodies aren’t as beautiful, as desirable, as appealing as those of girls", how come many men I know are quite comfortable in their bodies, of whatever shape and size? Men with and without hair on their head, with and without facial hair or body hair; with and without washing; with and without above or below average weight; with and without grooming or self-reflection on appearance of any kind.

Consider the degrees to which women attend to their appearance while being systematically shamed, harassed, and abused for either presenting themselves the way men desire them to, or for not doing so. Consider the degree to which women, compared to men, are bombarded with messages to attend to their appearance for the sake of pleasing men before leaving the home. Consider who benefits politically, materially, socially, and sexually from such a system. Consider who most benefits politically from women being in systems of prostitution: men.

In his interview published two days ago, we see him moralizing about his behavior once again, and never stating that his anti-feminist and misogynist behavior occurs not because of a lack of moral strength but because of having far too much political power and continuous access to those he hurts:
So, do you believe it is fine for you to be with a 23-year-old, or do you believe in your heart that what you argued in that essay is how it should be?
I am not sure right now. I am very confused. I am looking at having blown up my career and blown up my marriage. I think that, yes, men should try to stick to women their own age. And I am guilty of hypocrisy, but the fact that I am guilty of hypocrisy doesn’t invalidate the truth of what I was saying. I was just too weak to live up to what it was I was writing.
White male supremacist and colonial entitlement, chronic dishonesty, and systematic abuses of power, not moral weakness, are the cause of the end of his fourth marriage and his decades-long career. What's so confusing about that?

*               *               *
That is the way the power of men is manifest in real life. That is what theory about male supremacy means. It means you can rape. It means you can hit. It means you can hurt. It means you can buy and sell women. It means that there is a class of people there to provide you with what you need. You stay richer than they are, so that they have to sell you sex. Not just on street corners, but in the workplace. That's another right that you can presume to have: sexual access to any woman in your environment, when you want.

Now, the men's movement suggests that men don't want the kind of power I have just described. I've actually heard explicit whole sentences to that effect. And yet, everything is a reason not to do something about changing the fact that you do have that power.

Hiding behind guilt, that's my favorite. I love that one. Oh, it's horrible, yes, and I'm so sorry. You have the time to feel guilty. We don't have the time for you to feel guilty. Your guilt is a form of acquiescence in what continues to occur. Your guilt helps keep things the way they are.
I have heard in the last several years a great deal about the suffering of men over sexism. [...] This is a new wrinkle. Implicit in the idea that this is a different kind of suffering is the claim, I think, that in part you are actually suffering because of something that you know happens to someone else. That would indeed be new.
But mostly your guilt, your suffering, reduces to: gee, we really feel so bad. Everything makes men feel so bad: what you do, what you don't do, what you want to do, what you don't want to want to do but are going to do anyway.  -- Andrea Dworkin,  "I Want a Twenty-Four-Hour Truce During Which There Is No Rape" (1983, thirty years ago).  [Source: here]
 

Hugo Schwyzer, Feminism, and Privilege


image featuring Hugo Schwyzer is from here
This post was slightly revised on Aug. 16, 2013. Revised a bit more on Aug. 28, 2013.

This is part 1 of 2. For part 2, please see *here*.

I encourage the readers here to listen to and watch writer and blogger Mikki Kendall and Tara Conley (founder, Media Make Change) in this video at Huffington Post, about Hugo Schwyzer and the deeper problem of white supremacy in mainstream media.

In case you're not familiar with Hugo's predation and sexual abuses of women, you may, if you're not easily triggered by such details, read more about them *here*, at a Christian feminist's blog, Are Women Human? Also *here* at BuzzFeed.

Because so few men are in any way feminist--even if only by self-definition, it is too often the case that men who identify with feminism, or who appear to promote it, are heralded with on-going praise in some liberal circles. It can also be the case that males who identify as feminist are seen as suspect in those same circles or others. There's the case of  the rapist and predator Kyle Payne who was a resident advisor at a college and who, when challenged by many people, posted a response to his own blog and then disappeared from view (see *here* and *here* for a bit more).

Hugo Schwyzer's history of abuse and present over-privileged behavior is another great reason why 'feminist' men are suspect. Some white feminists argue I am another reason to hold 'feminist' males as suspect. One thing I am guilty of is engaging with Hugo a few years ago in conversation as if he were a responsible feminist male (meaning: responsive and available to his critics to their satisfaction). He disagreed with my politics which doesn't in and of itself trouble me at all. But I realized there was little point in engaging with him further when he came across to me as unwilling to challenge some of his beliefs and behavior which struck me as grossly self-serving and self-promoting. In other words, he opted out of on-going conversation. As did Kyle Payne.

In general, I'm suspicious of any man who promotes some forms of feminism and profits from doing so financially. Or who builds a professional career around such public profeminism. Or who declares himself a feminist but is not substantively accountable to women who critique him. Some of his over-privileged behavior shows up in a recent post to his blog.

In his farewell (for now) statement, there is stunning similarity in tone and content to what many people with male and white privilege, including Kyle Payne, do when leaving positions of power or public scrutiny--or, rather, when disappearing for a time only to emerge in the same place or elsewhere with privileges and power in tact. There is a tone of being victimized, of being treated unfairly, of Richard Nixon's "You won't have [me] to kick around any more". Disclosure about needing to focus on himself and his well-being by taking time away from work, is not only self-involved, but is a luxury most people cannot afford. (To clarify: I don't see the self-care as necessarily self-involved. I see the publicity of it by him as unnecessarily drawing more attention to himself as hurt person deserving of sympathetic social attention.)

In Schwyzer's case, he's only taking a leave of absence from a tenured position in Gender and Women's Studies. I challenged him a few years ago about why he thinks he should have such a position when there are so many women who cannot find work as Women's Studies professors. (I think it is politically harmful and regressive for white men, in particular, to teach Women's Studies.) As I recall, he had little to say that wasn't self-serving. What could he say? He had the position. Was I expecting him to announce he'd give it up so a woman could replace him? I was not. I was, instead, hoping to witness him acknowledge that his white and male privileges were a significant factor in why he was and is so statused in many places, including in media and in academia. (See the follow-up post for an update on this.)

Hugo has had a relatively large audience as someone who teaches about feminist issues because he's white and male. That he has an extensive history of being a predator and abuser of women--which he has chronicled and confessed--and has retained that appreciative audience and the entitlement to go on working and speaking as a feminist, is also because he's white and male.

In the cases of Payne, Schwyzer, and too many other destructive white men to name, there is a persistent self-centeredness and assumption, when the harm is great, that they ought to be socially understood as complex human beings with harmful and helpful qualities equally. (As if any colonial and patriarchal social, religious, academic, or economic institution would reinforce anything to the contrary; in fact most institutions downplay destruction and highlight goodness.) Such men display a common practice, particularly those with economic privilege: my pain ought to sensitize you to my humanity; my suffering deserves broad social understanding, including from people I structurally and interpersonally oppress; I will detail my personal struggles so that you see how complexly human I am, how deserving of empathy and compassion. I have, at times, participated in aspects of this, although usually on the private interpersonal front (with friends); I've also been directly called out on it by those friends and have modified my behavior accordingly.

From his farewell statement:
I am out of the hospital after a psychiatric hold and I’m on a cluster of drugs that affect my mood, my judgment, and my capacity to engage. While I stand by the interview, those drugs (including heavy doses of Lithium, Klonopin and so forth) played a part in the poor way I framed things. 
That Hugo has mental health challenges is, for me, a reason to view him as fully human, not that I have ever doubted he is. (I see any person as fully human.) That he describes those challenges and diagnoses in detail, including what medications he's been prescribed and the extent to which he is under psychiatric care, is part of his privilege to demonstrate emotional and mental fragility and come out the other end with his humanity, competency, and status in tact. And his job. In the colonial West, only white het men avoid class-level stigma when mentally ill or when struggling emotionally. Individual white men may well be stigmatised if they publicly cry or display traditionally unmasculine emotions. For members of all other groups, however, mental illness and emotional fragility are frequently seen and stigmatised as being crazy and out-of-control dangerous. He can broadcast his psychiatric struggles and retain his structurally protected status of presumed sanity and competence. No Black woman I know has such structural protection.

The assumption that one who is struggling and suffering ought to get social compassion and understanding--let alone appropriate professional care--is not one I know many women of color take on board with such access and assurance. Few women of color I know have the experience of being seen at all, let alone seen as complex people by either whites or men on the macro scale. And when any woman of color I know details mental health struggles, such an admission becomes part of the multi-layered stigma against her, in relationships, in employment, and in life generally.

That Schwyzer is not stigmatized by such admissions of mental illness, or his alcohol and other substance abuse, or his sexual predation, violence, and violations, and also hasn't served a day in prison, is solid evidence of his white, het, and male privileges and institutionally protected power. As a white gay male, any sexual predation would sound all kinds of alarms in the mind of heterosexist society. "Dangerous" would quickly be assumed to be true. As would "predatory". Not "a little ignorant of boundary issues" or "unfortunately troubled", but instead, "Dangerous like they all are." I'd hear or read from social dominants how "you've got to be careful when employing them" (not just him or her). There'd be no reflection on my personal history but Hugo gets to publicly elaborate on his own with an assumption he'll be listened to and retain his individualism.

Hugo gets to be a him, singular; not a them. That's the function of his gender, economic, sexuality, and race privilege. Gay, of color, female, poor: all carry stigma transforming and pathologising individual action into behavior "typical" of the group.

The fact that some women of color are getting a moment of attention by both popular and more marginalised  media is not encouraging to me; it is, rather, a sign that white and male supremacy are as strong as ever. Having subordinated and systematically silenced voices emerge sporadically (very sporadically) is part of how liberal white male supremacy works. It pretends that Black and Brown women speaking once a decade about sexism or racism is evidence of racial and sexual equality, while white men speak about everything under the sun 24/7/365/500+ (years), and have large audiences, flowing accolades, and a more than decent paycheck when they do so.

I close this post with one of Mikki Kendall's recent tweets:
when the mental health & future prospects for are more important than the damage he did. 



Thursday, June 20, 2013

Why we shouldn't just be offended by Paula Deen's racist remarks

photograph of Paula Deen is from here

The latest trending example of white's racism showing itself on the level of language-use, is white Southern cooking show/merch millionaire, Paula Deen. Here's the transcript of her deposition which is now being widely circulated and critiqued.

A common white liberal response is to be offended. And I'm not sure there's much wrong with being offended. But the problem, if the only response is to feel offended, is that we don't see racism for what it is. We accept it as the 2004 Academy Award-winning film Crash, depicts it: a problem located in how individuals act. We see it as a matter of sensibilities, feelings, and behavior between people. We psychologise and sociologise it because our response is psychological and we reduce it to a social problem.

What is also being discussed with this case is the culture of white Southerners: romantisizing that old, old culture of building an economy on slavery and apartheid and then holding that past in a romantic air. But why the nostalgia for a culture that isn't only "old": U.S. Southern white and Northern white society and its economy is still dependent on slavery. And genocide. Both are on-going and both have never gone away. Apartheid has morphed into different manifestations, but segregation built on violence and discrimination is still part and parcel of how the U.S. operates, economically, educationally, culturally, religiously, and politically.

The danger of targeting Paula Deen's attitudes and language-use (or her acceptance of her family's language-use) as "the problem" is that the deeper, more pernicious, and far more deadly problem is never even named, let alone challenged, let alone eradicated. It stays invisible which is exactly how many white supremacists, who are far more influential and powerful than Paula Deen, like it.

The problem beneath Deen's remarks is white supremacy as a political system that is institutionalised and invisibilised by whites. It simultaneously shapes and saturates, regulates and relies on capitalism, class, and colonialism; militarism, imperialism, and war; dominant forms of Christianity, gender, sexuality, and, of course: race. This is where white supremacy lives and prospers. It also shows up as offensive language, aka actionable hate speech, but according to some rules (which do shift over time).

What are the rules, currently? They include whites making racist jokes on stage and otherwise publicly, sometimes without using the most overly harmful (not just offensive) terms; whites discriminating overtly against Black and Brown people, in hiring practices, in housing decisions, in every area of social and economic life; whites holding onto our deep racism, freely displaying it when with other whites for mutual supremacist validation and as part of a larger project of white power-hoarding. The rules allow for cloaking white supremacy in calls for colorblindness and treating everyone as equal on an unequal shooting field. The rules allow for practicing slavery and committing genocide out of view of the corporate media, which intentionally ignores the atrocities, pretending a fictitious fiscal cliff or a factual revelation of Paula Deen's usually hidden remarks ought to be of central concern.

Identifying the racism problem only as a matter of language, culture, or societal mores means those with race privilege stay dissociated from it as an organised system of power that is foundationally structured into in every political institution we have, including "patriarchy". The problem with white anti-sexists pretending that "male supremacy" is our only problem is that what we know as male supremacy in the West is bound to and dependent on white supremacy. The problem with progressives being anti-capitalist, or environmentalist, or vegan, without working to eradicate male or white supremacy, is that pretending each isn't embedded in what we're fighting against means we're protecting both. Lethally.



Monday, February 4, 2013

Remembering the Rich and Radical Political Life of Rosa Parks. Featuring audio of her, on what would have been her 100th birthday!

All that follows is from Democracy Now! (I only added links to the title of Jeanne Theoharis's political biography of Ms. Parks.) You may link back to Democracy Now! by clicking *here*. 

Happy 100th Birthday, Rosa Parks!



Born on Feb. 4, 1913, today would have been Rosa Parks’ 100th birthday. On Dec. 1, 1955, Parks refused to give up her seat to a white passenger on a city bus in Montgomery, Alabama. Her act of resistance led to a 13-month boycott of the Montgomery bus system that would help spark the civil rights movement. Today we spend the hour looking at Rosa Parks’ life with historian Jeanne Theoharis, author of the new book, "The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks." Often described as a tired seamstress, no troublemaker, Parks was in fact a dedicated civil rights activist involved with the movement long before and after her historic action on the Montgomery bus. "Here we have, in many ways, one of the most famous Americans of the 20th century, and yet treated just like a sort of children’s book hero," Theoharis says. "We diminish her legacy by making it about a single day, a single act, as opposed to the rich and lifelong history of resistance that was actually who Rosa Parks was." We also air audio of Rosa Parks in her own words. In the midst of the boycott in April of 1956, she spoke to Pacifica Radio about the action she took. [includes rush transcript–partial. More to come. Check back soon.]
Guest:
Jeanne Theoharis, author of The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks. She is a professor of political science at Brooklyn College and has written extensively about the civil rights and Black Power movements.

Transcript

AMY GOODMAN: A hundred years ago today, civil rights pioneer Rosa Parks was born. It was February 4th, 1913. On December 1st, 1955, when she was 42 years old, she refused to give up her seat to a white man on a city bus in Montgomery, Alabama. She was arrested, convicted of violating the state’s segregation laws. Her act of resistance led to a 13-month boycott of the Montgomery bus system that would help spark the modern-day civil rights movement and launch Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.

We want to go to a clip of Rosa Parks, in her own words. In the midst of the boycott, April 1956, she spoke to Pacifica Radio about the action she took.
ROSA PARKS: I left work on my way home, December 1st, 1955, about 6:00 in the afternoon. I boarded the bus downtown Montgomery on Court Square. As the bus proceeded out of town on the third stop, the white passengers had filled the front of the bus. When I got on the bus, the rear was filled with colored passengers, and they were beginning to stand. The seat I occupied was the first of the seats where the Negro passengers take as they—on this route. The driver noted that the front of the bus was filled with white passengers, and there would be two or three men standing. He looked back and asked that the seat where I had taken, along with three other persons: one in a seat with me and two across the aisle were seated. He demanded the seats that we were occupying. The other passengers there reluctantly gave up their seats. But I refused to do so.
I want to make very certain that it is understood that I had not taken a seat in the white section, as has been reported in many cases. An article came out in the newspaper on Friday morning about the Negro woman overlooked segregation. She was seated in the front seat, the white section of the bus and refused to take a seat in the rear of the bus. That was the first newspaper account. The seat where I occupied, we were in the custom of taking this seat on the way home, even though at times on this same bus route, we occupied the same seat with whites standing, if their space had been taken up, the seats had been taken up. I was very much surprised that the driver at this point demanded that I remove myself from the seat.
The driver said that if I refused to leave the seat, he would have to call the police. And I told him, "Just call the police." He then called the officers of the law. They came and placed me under arrest, violation of the segregation law of the city and state of Alabama in transportation. I didn’t think I was violating any. I felt that I was not being treated right, and that I had a right to retain the seat that I had taken as a passenger on the bus. The time had just come when I had been pushed as far as I could stand to be pushed, I suppose. They placed me under arrest.
AMY GOODMAN: That was Rosa Parks speaking in April 1956 in the midst of the Montgomery bus boycott. She had refused to stand up for a white passenger just a few months before, December 1st, 1955.

Rosa Parks is often described as a tired seamstress, no troublemaker. The fact was, she was a troublemaker, a first-class one. At the time of her arrest, she was secretary of the local NAACP. She raised money to defend the Scottsboro Boys in a rape case that was trumped up, attended trainings at the Highlander Folk School of Tennessee. In fact, she had sat down on the bus before and refused to get up for white passengers. When she died in October 2005, she became the first African-American woman to lie in state in the Capitol Rotunda.

Well, I just recently sat down with Jeanne Theoharis, historian, author of the new book, The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks. She is a professor of political science at Brooklyn College who’s written extensively about the civil rights and Black Power movements. I began by asking her to tell us the story of Rosa Parks.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: This is a story of a life history of activism, of a life history, as she would put it, of being rebellious, right, that starts decades before her historic bus stand and continues decades after. And so, very much what the story I’m trying to tell in this book is the story of that scope. It begins: Her grandfather was a supporter of Marcus Garvey, and so that is really where she gets her start, is with her family, her mother and grandparents. And they sort of inculcate her in a sense of pride and a sense that you demand and expect respect from people around you. And so, it is that spirit that she then brings into the world. She marries Raymond Parks, the first real activist she ever met.
AMY GOODMAN: Marcus Garvey was?
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Marcus Garvey headed the Universal Negro Improvement Association. He was a Pan-Africanist and also a proponent of sort of black nationalism and black pride. And her grandfather was a supporter.
So, she meets her husband, Raymond Parks, and he is working on the Scottsboro case. This is 1931. And the Scottsboro case, these are nine young men, ages 12 to 19, who get arrested riding the rails. Right? This is the Great Depression. And very quickly, the charge turns to rape, and very quickly, they are all sentenced to death, except the youngest one. And so, a support movement grows up—
AMY GOODMAN: These are black boys—
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Black boys.
AMY GOODMAN: —teenagers, and white young women.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: Girls.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Basically, these young boys are riding the train, like many people did. When they get arrested, it is discovered there are two young white women riding the train. And it is that moment where these nine young men—again, ages 12 to 19—where the charge then turns to rape. They were not originally arrested for rape. And so this support defense committee, this grassroots defense committee, grows to defend these nine young men. And Raymond Parks is part of that movement, and that’s what he’s doing when she meets him. And so, he’s sort of the first activist she met, and in many ways, that—her political development as an adult starts with sort of being a newlywed with Raymond and working on the Scottsboro case.
AMY GOODMAN: And what happened to the Scottsboro Boys?
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Ultimately, they are not—they are not executed, and that movement really prevents that travesty of justice from happening.
So then, in 1943, she sees a picture of a classmate attending a local NAACP meeting, and she realizes that women can be part of the NAACP, and so she decides to go and attend a Montgomery NAACP meeting. And she’s the only woman there. And they’re having branch elections, and so she is elected branch secretary at her very first meeting in 1943. And that begins a decade of activism, right, before her bus arrest, where she is working with the NAACP.
And she’s working with a man by the name of E.D. Nixon. And E.D. Nixon is a sleeping car porter, and he’s active in the union of sleeping car porters. And he and Rosa Parks want to transform the branch into a more activist branch, and so he actually runs for president and wins in 1945. And he and Parks set about to investigate cases of white brutality, work on black voter registration. And this is very controversial. And in fact there is controversy in the branch. There are many middle-class members who oppose this. They try to unseat Nixon and, to a certain extent, Parks. But that does not work.
And so, for this decade before her stand, she is doing this very dangerous work. You know, I think we say NAACP today, and it sounds not so dangerous. But to be a NAACP activist in the '40s, doing what she's doing—she’s traveling the state, she’s taking testimony of people, she’s trying to get them to sign affidavits—that is extremely courageous work. And there’s sort of only a small handful of people in Montgomery, you know, sort of committed to doing that work.
AMY GOODMAN: So, how does this moment happen? Actually, as you point out in the book, it wasn’t the first time Rosa Parks sat down on the bus and refused to get up. But explain what was different, when she tried it the first time and when she tried it in 1955.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: So there’s a—right, as you mention, there is a longer history of bus resistance in Montgomery. There had been numerous cases sort of in the decade after World War II, before her arrest in '55, of people getting arrested on the bus. And she's very familiar with many of these cases, so she knows what can happen. A neighbor of hers in 1950 is arrested, thrown off the bus and killed by police. The young Claudette Colvin, in March of 1955, is manhandled by police when she is arrested for her refusal to move. Parks herself had made various stands on the bus. She abhorred the practice that many bus drivers insisted on, where black people would have to pay in the front, get off the bus, and reboard in the back of the bus. And she refused to do that. She had been kicked off the bus by this very same bus driver a decade earlier for refusing to do that. She had had trouble with other bus drivers. She describes some bus driver passing her by because he didn’t—you know, he felt like she was a trouble—you know, she raised trouble. So she had this sort of history of bus resistance. There is this larger history of bus resistance in Montgomery. And then we get to December 1st, 1955.
One other thing is, that summer in August, she had gone for a two-week workshop to Highlander Folk School. They were having a workshop on school desegregation. This is 1955. So, we have the historic decision in 1954, Brown v. Board of Education, but then the Supreme Court comes back in '55, right, and refuses to put a timetable on it, right? It's the historic words: "with all deliberate speed." And so, activists, like Parks, like Myles Horton and Septima Clark, who were running the Highlander workshops at the time—
AMY GOODMAN: In Tennessee.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: In Tennessee. This is a—this is a workshop to bring together people who want to push for and make a plan to implement school desegregation, because the court is clearly not going to press it forward. So she attends this workshop in August, and it is a very important and transformative time for her. She describes it as the first time she felt like she could discuss things with white people and not feel hostility. She’s obviously—there are 48 people attending this workshop. These are all people committed to this work of school desegregation. So, both—her own spirit really lifts. She talks about loving Myles Horton’s sense of humor, getting to just eat and be in a interracial space, that was a matter-of-fact interracial space, that just—that people just ate together, they shared rooms together, they sat outside together, that that freedom was also transformative, personally.
So she comes back, and then, in some ways, the atmosphere of the segregation in Montgomery, the conditions become harder to bear, I think. So, the evening of December 1st, 1955, she’s gotten off work. She actually decides to wait for a less crowded bus, so she goes to a drugstore, buys a few things and boards the bus around 5:30 at night. She sits in the middle section, right? One of the myths is that she was sitting in the white section; she was not. She was sitting in the middle section. The middle section was sort of a no-man’s land, in that the bus driver could ask you to move from that section even though Montgomery city code at the time said black people were not—did not have to get up out of their seats if there was no seats available. But bus drivers routinely violated that city code. So, that night, she’s sitting in the middle section. There are four black people sitting in this row. And at the third stop, the bus fills up, and there is one white man standing. And by the terms of Montgomery segregation, all four people will have to get up so that one white man can sit down. And the bus driver, James Blake, who, like all bus drivers in Montgomery, is carrying a gun, orders them to move. And she refuses.
He says, "I’m going to have you arrested." She says, "You may do that." He gets off the bus, and he first calls the supervisor, his supervisor. And the supervisor says, "Well, get her off the bus." The supervisor—I want to repeat that—just says, "Get her off." He does not say, "Have her arrested." Blake calls the police. The police come and evict her from the bus. And she believes the police don’t want to arrest her. It is Blake who sort of takes that sort of final historical step and says—
AMY GOODMAN: And he’s a white driver.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: He’s a white driver. All the drivers in Montgomery are white. I think one of the less-known facets of the Montgomery bus boycott is that it’s also pressing for black bus drivers. So, yes, he is a white driver. The police—she describes also, in those moments, while Blake is off the bus calling, people grumbling—right, people are clearly nervous. What’s going to happen? The police, you know, take her off the bus. Blake says he wants to sign a warrant. He’s going to come after his run to sign the warrant. And they take her to jail.
And she describes the moment in various ways. She describes it as she had been pushed as far as she could be pushed and that to get up meant that she consented to this, and she did not consent. But one of my favorite passages is also that she talks about finding her arrest annoying. And I think this speaks to how she does not necessarily believe that some movement is going to happen, right? She’s taking this stand because she thinks it’s important. But she finds it annoying because she’s actually working on this youth workshop for the weekend, and she sees this sort of as a distraction, and now she’s gotten herself arrested, right? And who knows how long this is going to take? And who knows what’s going to happen? And who knows if some sort of violent thing is going to happen to her? And so, in that moment, it’s a very hard moment, and then it’s also a moment where she in no way can see what’s about to happen.
AMY GOODMAN: Jeanne Theoharis is the author of the new book, The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks. On this hundredth anniversary of the birth of Rosa Parks, we’ll continue our conversation in a minute.

[break]

AMY GOODMAN: Pete Seeger singing "We Shall Overcome." He wrote it with others, the enduring anthem of the civil rights movement, at the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee, where Rosa Parks trained. This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, as we return to our conversation with historian Jeanne Theoharis, author of the book The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks. I asked her about the fateful day, December 1st, 1955, in Montgomery, Alabama, when Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to obey a white bus driver, James Blake, who ordered her to give up her seat to a white passenger. I asked how long Rosa Parks was detained and what she did next.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: She’s held there about three or four hours. She calls home, and her mother is terrified. "Have you been beaten?" She says, "No." And so, her husband starts to get money together to come get her. Meanwhile, someone on the bus goes to tell E.D. Nixon. And E.D. Nixon calls, can’t find out any information, and then calls a white civil rights kind of couple in town by the name of Virginia and Clifford Durr and gets Clifford Durr, who is also a lawyer, to call and find out what’s happened to her. So, both Raymond Parks and Nixon and the Durrs all come to—down and bail her out. And they all go back to the Parkses’ apartment.
AMY GOODMAN: And the Durrs are white, famous civil rights activists.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: The Durrs, famous, whites, activists, leftists. So they all go back to the Parkses’ apartment that night to talk about what happens next, because Nixon, once he knows that she’s OK, is, in a measure, delighted, because she’s exactly the kind of person that is both respected in the community, she’s middle-aged, she’s 42, she’s super tough, right? so he knows—he trusts that she’s not going to flinch under the kind of pressure that’s going to be brought to bear. And so he really wants her to be a test case. And at first, her husband is very nervous both for her safety and their safety, but also because people hadn’t necessarily stayed together around other cases. So he’s worried. But they decide that she is going to go forward with this case.
So she calls a young lawyer and friend of hers, a black lawyer by the name of Fred Gray, to ask him to represent her. And Fred Gray calls Jo Ann Robinson, who’s the head of the Women’s Political Council, a professor at Alabama State. And the Women’s Political Council had been very active around these issues. And Jo Ann Robinson mobilizes that night, and they decide to call for a one-day boycott on the Monday when Parks is going to be arraigned in court. And so Robinson actually sneaks into Alabama State College in the middle of the night with two students and runs off 35,000 leaflets in the middle of the night. At about 3 a.m., she calls E.D.—this is Robinson—and says, "This is what we’re planning." And so, at 5:00 in the morning, Nixon starts to call some of the ministers in town to get them on board for this one-day plan. And it is not 'til midday, when Rosa Parks, as she often does, takes her lunch to Fred Gray's law office, that she finds out sort of what’s happening.
And so, they are planning, again, for just a one-day boycott, at this point, on the Monday. And people are very worried. Will people do it? Will people stick together? And then Monday comes, and it is this amazing—people stay off the bus. She describes it as sort of the best moment of the whole thing. And that night, at a mass meeting at Holt Street Baptist Church, people decide to carry on the boycott sort of—and make it, you know, a longer boycott.
AMY GOODMAN: And they choose a young minister who’s just come into town to be their leader.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Yes.
AMY GOODMAN: Dr. Martin Luther King.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: They choose him for a number of reasons. In part, he’s young. He’s new. He’s not—he doesn’t have any—he’s not firmly aligned with one side or the other. His church is actually located right across—it’s downtown; it’s right across from the Capitol. So they have the first meeting—the ministers have the first meeting at his church on E.D. Nixon’s sort of idea, in part because it’s so centrally located, and again, because Nixon sees that King doesn’t have enemies in town. And then, it is at Holt Street where we get the first taste of sort of Martin Luther King’s sort of, you know, kind of political and oratorical brilliance, right? because the speech he gives that night is an incredible speech.
AMY GOODMAN: December 5th, 1955.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Exactly.
AMY GOODMAN: So, Rosa Parks helped to—helps to launch Dr. Martin Luther King.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Yes, she does. Yes, she does. And in many ways, she—there’s this interesting moment. So, on Monday, right, she goes to court. She’s very quickly convicted. And then she goes back with Fred Gray to his law office. She doesn’t go back to work. She doesn’t go home. She goes to his office, and she answers—
AMY GOODMAN: She worked at Woolworth’s?
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Ah, sorry, she worked at Montgomery Fair. She’s an assistant tailor. Montgomery Fair is the biggest department store in Montgomery at that point. So she’s—she’s working in the men’s shop. But she doesn’t go back to work. And she answers phones in Fred Gray’s office that Monday, and she doesn’t tell people it’s her, right? So this is sort of the paradox of how she negotiates this role. So she’s—she wants to be useful, so she’s answering all these calls. People are wanting to know what’s happening, what they should do. She’s not saying it’s her. And then, meanwhile, she stays and answers phones, while Fred Gray and Nixon and King have a meeting where the Montgomery Improvement Association will be born, right? So, in some sense, she—she’s sort of doing this kind of behind-the-scenes work while the kind of leadership is being formed on that Monday afternoon.
AMY GOODMAN: You talked about December ’55 coming just a few months after the murder of Emmett Till in Money, Mississippi—
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: —fourteen-year-old African-American boy, seared into the history and consciousness of this country, what happened to him. Describe what happened and how Rosa Parks was affected by it.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: The lynching of Emmett Till happens in August of 1955. But just days before she makes her stand, they’ve had this mass meeting. So, part of what happens is, the two men—because of the attention to the lynching, the two men are actually put on trial, which is sort of a rarity, but they are acquitted. This is Bryant and Milam. And so, a campaign comes up to kind of raise awareness around this, sort of organized in part by Mamie Till, his mother, and T.M. Howard. And so they’ve had—T.M. Howard comes to Montgomery just days before, and they’ve had this big mass meeting. And so, it’s very much on her mind. When she talks about sitting there in those moments, she talks about thinking about her grandfather, she talks about thinking about Emmett Till. And she’s—
AMY GOODMAN: When had he come into town, in Montgomery?
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Howard comes in—I think it’s just literally four or five days. They’ve had this big mass meeting.
AMY GOODMAN: Four or five days...?
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Before her arrest, so—
AMY GOODMAN: So at the end of November, right after Thanksgiving.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Exactly, exactly. And so it’s really fresh, right? And the organizing is really fresh, right? So, the lynching itself happened in August, but the kind of movement to sort of raise awareness is happening and has come to Montgomery just days before her bus stand. And so she’s very much thinking about that. And the bus driver says, you know, "You all should make it light on yourself and get up." And she thinks to herself, "This is not making it light on us as a people." And she’s thinking about Till, and she’s thinking about this kind of longer history, you know, and the Klan coming to her grandparents’ house, you know, and sort of coming by. And so, it’s very much kind of how she’s—you know, it’s with her that day.
AMY GOODMAN: The Klan came to her grandparents’ house?
JEANNE THEOHARIS: And her grandfather would sit out at night, often with a gun, to protect the house. And she would sometimes sit with him. After World War I, there’s this sort of backlash partly against black service during World War I, and there’s all of this kind of this uptake in violence in 1919, and so that also comes to Pine Level, to Alabama, where she grows up. And so she very much talks about remembering her grandfather sitting out on the porch with a gun, again, ready for sort of the Klan, if they come.
AMY GOODMAN: We’re talking to Jeanne Theoharis, author of The Rebellious Life of Mrs. Rosa Parks. When Rosa Parks died in 2005, there was a huge memorial service for her in Washington, D.C. She was the first African-American woman to lay in state at the Capitol Rotunda, then her body brought to a church before the big funeral in Detroit. And I remember the networks talking about Rosa Parks. I mean, there’s no question it was a big moment, and the media took notice. I remember CNN saying Rosa Parks was a tired seamstress—
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Right.
AMY GOODMAN: —she was no troublemaker. But Rosa Parks, as you point out, was a first-class troublemaker.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: She was.
AMY GOODMAN: So how did the image of her change? What did people understand at the time in 1955?
JEANNE THEOHARIS: I mean, I think there’s sort of two different things at work. Certainly during the boycott itself, they background Rosa Parks’s political history for the safety of the movement, right? Immediately, I mean—
AMY GOODMAN: You mean they put it on the back burner.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: And they play it down, right? They tend to talk about her as a good Christian woman. They tend to talk about her—and this is King, this is the black press, this is even Parks herself, right? They don’t tend to foreground her political history, in part because civil rights protests—this is 1955—are getting—you know, this is the Cold War. They’re immediately redbaited. All sorts of crazy rumors come up about her: She’s a communist plant, she’s an NAACP plant, she’s Mexican, she has a car, she’s not even black—I mean, just all manner of rumors in Montgomery spring up. And so, in part to counter the idea that these are outside agitators, outside forces, coming to—you know, coming to Montgomery, there is a tendency to talk about her, right, just as a kind of local woman, seamstress, Christian, right? So, that obviously then, in the decades afterwards, takes on a life of its own, in terms of her political history.
The other thing, I think, that contributes to this is Rosa Parks leaves Montgomery in '57 and spends the second half of her political life in Detroit, sort of fighting the racism of the Jim Crow North. And so, in many ways, she leaves the South as this movement that she's helped to galvanize sort of takes on, and she has this new place in which she’s sort of struggling in and part of a movement and that is not getting the same kind of attention.
But fast-forward—I think, by the '90s, right, and 2000s, right? In many ways, in the wake of the establishment of the King holiday, we see the civil rights—the history of the civil rights movement begin to get kind of reshaped and twisted into this very happy, limited story of a—this American movement that rises up and changes America, and then we vanquished racism, and there's this dreamy Martin Luther King and this quiet Rosa Parks. They’re sort of the two people we get in that narrative. And that’s a very happy story, and it makes us feel good about ourselves as a nation. And that story, I think, is part of what is at the center of the kind of national spectacle made of her passing.
AMY GOODMAN: Who was Rosa Parks’ hero?
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Rosa Parks’ hero, she describes as Malcolm X. She very much—she loved, she admired, she had—I mean, she had tremendous admiration for King, but she describes Malcolm X as her personal hero. Rosa Parks was a lifelong believer in self-defense. Obviously she gets that from her grandfather. In many ways, Malcolm X reminds her of her grandfather. Malcolm X’s willingness to sort of talk about sort of Northern liberalism and Northern hypocrisy, Malcolm X’s very early opposition to the war in Vietnam—all of these things are very similar to her sort of political outlook, and therefore, I think, she very much looks to him.
AMY GOODMAN: That’s interesting, talking about Vietnam. You write about Rosa Parks as an internationalist.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Right, right. I mean, she is a very early opponent of the war in Vietnam, as is John Conyers. And she—in many ways, she—she comes to volunteer on John Conyers’ very first campaign, right, for this new—
AMY GOODMAN: Longtime congressmember, dean of the Congressional Black Caucus.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Right. And he runs for the very first time. Michigan gets a new congressional seat in 1964 that looks like it’s going to, like, perhaps elect a second African American to Congress from Michigan. And this young civil rights lawyer, right, is running on this platform of jobs, peace and justice, right? So he’s running on a kind of anti-Vietnam platform in '64. Rosa Parks, very attracted to this, volunteers on his campaign in 1964 and gets Martin Luther King to come to Detroit on behalf of Conyers, right, basically prevails on King. King is staying out of doing this kind of political stuff; he doesn't. But he can’t say no to her. And this is a very crowded primary; eight people are running. Conyers wins by less than a hundred votes. And so, one of the things that he thinks really contributes is King coming, and part of what gets King to come to Mont—to Detroit, excuse me, is Rosa Parks asking him. And so, one of the first thing Conyers does is he hires Rosa Parks to work in his Detroit office. And he is very much in the forefront of kind of the opposition to Vietnam. And so—and she—and that’s—both of them are sort of working on that, and so she takes—she is part of that sort of—like the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. She’s supportive of the Jeannette Rankin Brigade, of the Winter Soldier hearings that are held in Detroit.
AMY GOODMAN: The American soldiers who came back from Vietnam and talked about the atrocities they committed there.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Right. And those hearings are held in Detroit, and then John Conyers actually goes—you know, is sort of one of the voices to kind of make—to bring those—bring the Winter Soldier hearings to sort of Congress.
AMY GOODMAN: It’s when John Kerry became famous, as this soldier who’s returned and goes to Congress and testifies against the Vietnam War.
JEANNE THEOHARIS: Absolutely, absolutely. And so, that happens in Detroit, and it happens, in part, through kind of Conyers’, you know, kind of work on it.
AMY GOODMAN: Why didn’t Rosa Parks run for Congress in 1964 when the second seat opened up in Detroit?
JEANNE THEOHARIS: She is not someone who seeks or wants that kind of public limelight. She finds her fame sort of hard to bear. She is a sort of stalwart activist. She is a steadfast activist. But Conyers talks about her speaking with her presence, that she went to tons of things, she did what she could do to support, you know, prisoner defense committees, to support the anti-Vietnam—all sorts of movements, but she is not someone who likes to be in—in the front, in the limelight, in the way that running for Congress would have been.
AMY GOODMAN: Historian Jeanne Theoharis, author of the new book, The Rebellious Life of Rosa Parks, professor of political science at Brooklyn College, has written extensively about the civil rights and Black Power movements. When we come back, we speak with Theoharis about what happened after Rosa Parks was arrested and convicted in 1956, how she dealt with losing her job. This is Democracy Now!